Over the last 10 days I have been discussing my Burning Plains article at the Urubaen Forums (which are the forums of anti-shurtugal.com). Here is the link
http://z13.invisionfree.com/urubaen/index.php?showtopic=2689
mardi 3 avril 2007
vendredi 16 mars 2007
Battle under Farthen Dur V
I have not been able to post as much as I like. I am sorry but Real Life gets the better of me.
Now returning to the critique. The first new crtique I have to add is an extention of an old one. It is commented in the book that the flood of the Urgals is too great and too constant and threatens to flood the Varden and dwarves. Why don't they just shut it off, massacre the Urgals of the field and then turn it on again? For those wondering how that is possilbe since the Urgals are not water to be controlled by faucets I have one answer: tunnelling. The dwarves could have several redundant ways leading to the opening, they could just collapse one of the tunnels during the battle and create a gap while the Urgals use a secondary bypass to re-reach the surface, gaining a breather. Talking of tunnel preparations, even though the dwarves decided to abandod the tunnels to the Urgals (a major mistake IMO) there is no reason why they have not set up foot traps and the like inside the tunnels. The Viet Cong had hidden traps of bamboo pikes covered with feces inside their tunnels so as to wound and infect American soldiers trying to hunt them inside their tunnels.
Another issue is that of the tactic used during the battle. Ajihad and Hrothgar have at their disposition human archers, lightly armed human pikement and swormen and heavily armed dwarves. Light and heavy troops have their own advantages and disadvantages. Heavily armed troops are harder to kill but lack mobility. Lightly armed troops have mobility and endurance but are seriously disadvantaged against heavier troops in one to one combat. Traditionally light troops do not really stand still in the field, they harass heavier troops by attacking them and retreating when they counterattack. This is how Iphicrates' peltasts defeated an entire mora of Spartan soldiers in the Isthmus during the Corinthian War (390 BC). If this is what Ajihad meant when he said that his troops need manoevering space he is justified in having them in the field. Yet under Farthen Dur the humans and dwarves fight on the first line indiscriminantly of their armor. This is a simple bloody battle of infantry versus infantry (with minor exceptions), no brilliant tactical move is to be seen anywhere, except in Durza's tunneling whose main purpose is to capture Eragon, not win the battle!
We learn that all troops fight under the Varden symbol. Why the dwarves do so we are not told.
The burning tar is a great note. The fortifications as earthen armor for pikemen are also a good force multiplier. It would strengthen the Varden more if they had archers on the fortifications wearing down the Urgals. After the fortifications are broken the dwarves and Varden meet the Urgals in a mixed formation. Why in the two columns having humans are they mixed with dwarves? Why arent the Varden on the side flanking and retreating the Urgals? We will not know.
Some of my critique I admit may be unfair. Paolini published his book at the age of 18. Unlike the Battle of the Burning Plains this one is not as central to the book as Eragon's travels. Some mistakes are always to expected even in real battles with all general. The was no perfect general in history (with the possilbe exception of Alexander the Great) so we should not try to find a perfect general in fiction although it seems Ajihad and Hrothgar belong to the bad ones. I cannot think much more to write now. If I am finished I will format this for publication in the website. If not I will add more thing here before publishing a more final edition.
Now returning to the critique. The first new crtique I have to add is an extention of an old one. It is commented in the book that the flood of the Urgals is too great and too constant and threatens to flood the Varden and dwarves. Why don't they just shut it off, massacre the Urgals of the field and then turn it on again? For those wondering how that is possilbe since the Urgals are not water to be controlled by faucets I have one answer: tunnelling. The dwarves could have several redundant ways leading to the opening, they could just collapse one of the tunnels during the battle and create a gap while the Urgals use a secondary bypass to re-reach the surface, gaining a breather. Talking of tunnel preparations, even though the dwarves decided to abandod the tunnels to the Urgals (a major mistake IMO) there is no reason why they have not set up foot traps and the like inside the tunnels. The Viet Cong had hidden traps of bamboo pikes covered with feces inside their tunnels so as to wound and infect American soldiers trying to hunt them inside their tunnels.
Another issue is that of the tactic used during the battle. Ajihad and Hrothgar have at their disposition human archers, lightly armed human pikement and swormen and heavily armed dwarves. Light and heavy troops have their own advantages and disadvantages. Heavily armed troops are harder to kill but lack mobility. Lightly armed troops have mobility and endurance but are seriously disadvantaged against heavier troops in one to one combat. Traditionally light troops do not really stand still in the field, they harass heavier troops by attacking them and retreating when they counterattack. This is how Iphicrates' peltasts defeated an entire mora of Spartan soldiers in the Isthmus during the Corinthian War (390 BC). If this is what Ajihad meant when he said that his troops need manoevering space he is justified in having them in the field. Yet under Farthen Dur the humans and dwarves fight on the first line indiscriminantly of their armor. This is a simple bloody battle of infantry versus infantry (with minor exceptions), no brilliant tactical move is to be seen anywhere, except in Durza's tunneling whose main purpose is to capture Eragon, not win the battle!
We learn that all troops fight under the Varden symbol. Why the dwarves do so we are not told.
The burning tar is a great note. The fortifications as earthen armor for pikemen are also a good force multiplier. It would strengthen the Varden more if they had archers on the fortifications wearing down the Urgals. After the fortifications are broken the dwarves and Varden meet the Urgals in a mixed formation. Why in the two columns having humans are they mixed with dwarves? Why arent the Varden on the side flanking and retreating the Urgals? We will not know.
Some of my critique I admit may be unfair. Paolini published his book at the age of 18. Unlike the Battle of the Burning Plains this one is not as central to the book as Eragon's travels. Some mistakes are always to expected even in real battles with all general. The was no perfect general in history (with the possilbe exception of Alexander the Great) so we should not try to find a perfect general in fiction although it seems Ajihad and Hrothgar belong to the bad ones. I cannot think much more to write now. If I am finished I will format this for publication in the website. If not I will add more thing here before publishing a more final edition.
vendredi 9 mars 2007
Battle Under Farthen Dur IV
The Varden and the dwarves
The Varden and the dwarves have the benefit of have little warning when trying to explain their mistakes. These however does not make them less grave.
They choose not to pursue battle in the tunnels. Why? According to Jormundur (but it could be Ajihad, I am not sure of my memory) it is because their armies need manoeuvering space. What for? It is the largest army that needs the benefit of space and, in our case, the Urgals are the largest army. When the Greeks chose to face the Persians during Xerxes' invasion they did not do so in the Plain of the four river (in the region late named Macedonia) or the Thessalian plain where the Persian army could be fully deployed and crush them. They chose the vale of Tempe and Thermopylae. Leonidas chose to sacrifice himself and his soldiers(and the 700 Thespians chose of their free will in order to delay the Persian army's advance on the plain of Boeotia while the rest of the army escaped.
It is in constricted or problematic in general space that one chooses to face a superior enemy and in this case it was inside the tunnels where most constriction was to take place. Channeling the enemy at the plain was usefull as a second step, if the defence at the tunnels was no longer viable. In my opinion the best strategic plan would be to channel the Urgals in the three tunnels but fight inside them. A relay system to rotate dwarves and Varden fighting the Urgals so as to keep fresh troops at the front line, like the one set up in Thermopylae by Leonidas, would be most usefull. If the dwarves are waiting for reinforcements to arrive from other dwarven cities or Orrin, fighting inside the tunnels they gain valuable time. However we are not told if they expect reinforcement to arrive sometime, only that they are unlikely to arrive.
Another mistakes come next on the organisation of the battlefield. We are never really given a topographic plan of the battlefield (nor, like in real world battlefield can we go and do one ourselves) so we have to rely on the description given by Paolini. The three different battles take place in sites that while visible to each other but cannot communicate with ease. When Eragon asks who leads each column he is told that the one in front is led by Ajihad and the one on his right by Hrothgar, implying thus that they are on the same side of the crater. We are never told however if they are near the crater's walls. However the crater walls play no importance in the battle. Is it because they are far from the battlefield? We are not told.
Not using the difference in height given by the presence of the crater is very bad generalship. We are never told how slanted the crater walls are but even if they were verticals a platform could have been built so that archers placed on it could use it to pick on targets with impunity. At least the Urgal archers are also not using the crater walls for their purposes. Furthermore the difference in height can be exploited in very innovative ways. When Alexander the Great was fighting his Balkan campaign he was facing a band of Thracians who were fortified in a montain pass. They had lifted heavy carts in higher ground and would roll them down the slopes against Alexander's soldiers. Why couldn't the dwarves do something like that? Even if the opennings of the tunnels were too far away from the walls, they could simply have chosen opennings nearer the walls. Rolling carts is even unecessary, they could have rolled boulders.
Finally no war machines are present in the battle. Why? Obviously war machines are known to Alagaesians, they are used in the battle of the Burning Plains. Could it be that they dwarves do not have any available at Tronjheim? That is a strong possibility. We are not told if Tronjheim is the main base of the dwarven army the way that Gilead is the main base of Galbatorix's army, but if it is not and Hrothgar does not keep some around him for show it is very possible they were unavailable. I will continue with my critique later...
The Varden and the dwarves have the benefit of have little warning when trying to explain their mistakes. These however does not make them less grave.
They choose not to pursue battle in the tunnels. Why? According to Jormundur (but it could be Ajihad, I am not sure of my memory) it is because their armies need manoeuvering space. What for? It is the largest army that needs the benefit of space and, in our case, the Urgals are the largest army. When the Greeks chose to face the Persians during Xerxes' invasion they did not do so in the Plain of the four river (in the region late named Macedonia) or the Thessalian plain where the Persian army could be fully deployed and crush them. They chose the vale of Tempe and Thermopylae. Leonidas chose to sacrifice himself and his soldiers(and the 700 Thespians chose of their free will in order to delay the Persian army's advance on the plain of Boeotia while the rest of the army escaped.
It is in constricted or problematic in general space that one chooses to face a superior enemy and in this case it was inside the tunnels where most constriction was to take place. Channeling the enemy at the plain was usefull as a second step, if the defence at the tunnels was no longer viable. In my opinion the best strategic plan would be to channel the Urgals in the three tunnels but fight inside them. A relay system to rotate dwarves and Varden fighting the Urgals so as to keep fresh troops at the front line, like the one set up in Thermopylae by Leonidas, would be most usefull. If the dwarves are waiting for reinforcements to arrive from other dwarven cities or Orrin, fighting inside the tunnels they gain valuable time. However we are not told if they expect reinforcement to arrive sometime, only that they are unlikely to arrive.
Another mistakes come next on the organisation of the battlefield. We are never really given a topographic plan of the battlefield (nor, like in real world battlefield can we go and do one ourselves) so we have to rely on the description given by Paolini. The three different battles take place in sites that while visible to each other but cannot communicate with ease. When Eragon asks who leads each column he is told that the one in front is led by Ajihad and the one on his right by Hrothgar, implying thus that they are on the same side of the crater. We are never told however if they are near the crater's walls. However the crater walls play no importance in the battle. Is it because they are far from the battlefield? We are not told.
Not using the difference in height given by the presence of the crater is very bad generalship. We are never told how slanted the crater walls are but even if they were verticals a platform could have been built so that archers placed on it could use it to pick on targets with impunity. At least the Urgal archers are also not using the crater walls for their purposes. Furthermore the difference in height can be exploited in very innovative ways. When Alexander the Great was fighting his Balkan campaign he was facing a band of Thracians who were fortified in a montain pass. They had lifted heavy carts in higher ground and would roll them down the slopes against Alexander's soldiers. Why couldn't the dwarves do something like that? Even if the opennings of the tunnels were too far away from the walls, they could simply have chosen opennings nearer the walls. Rolling carts is even unecessary, they could have rolled boulders.
Finally no war machines are present in the battle. Why? Obviously war machines are known to Alagaesians, they are used in the battle of the Burning Plains. Could it be that they dwarves do not have any available at Tronjheim? That is a strong possibility. We are not told if Tronjheim is the main base of the dwarven army the way that Gilead is the main base of Galbatorix's army, but if it is not and Hrothgar does not keep some around him for show it is very possible they were unavailable. I will continue with my critique later...
lundi 5 mars 2007
Battle under Farthen Dur III
I am a bit late than promised, not due to factors I control. I was a little sick last week... I will begin by analusing the mistakes done by each side in the battle
Urgals
The Urgal's intention was to overrun Tronjheim, conquer the dwarf nation and, if the Silarilion was Paolini's inspiration, turn the Beor mountains into an Urgal kingdom that was to be allied with the Empire. In exchange for doing the Empire's dirty job it gave them a general (Durza), free passage through its territory (the Urgals were after all based on the Spine) and supplies until the battle. The only way the Urgals had access to Tronjheim was through the tunnels under Farthen Dur. We are told that there is a dense network of tunnels under the mountain leading everywhere. The dwarves (and Arya with Eragon, but they are under the command of the dwarves) have collapsed earlier all the tunnels except those through which they intend to channel the Urgals. Yet despite the fact that it soon becomes obvious that this is a trap the Urgals keep on attacking, buldozer style like in the great battles of the Western and Italian Front in World War I. Durza is a horrible general for his army but then again among his orders is to exterminate the Urgals. The Urgals should have tried to dig the blocked tunnels and appear at other places instead of just stubbornly attacking.
Furthermore after the death of Durza the Urgal army turns on itself. With the Urgals having surrounded their enemies (the 12 companions of Durza could have been followed by many more) they could have by now easily defeated the Varden and dwarves. Yet it appears the Urgals are so deeply split among themselves that they cannot stay together except by force. After the death of Durza it was a great opportunity not only to defeat the Varden but also to claim victory for themsleves and gain some advantage over the Empire in the following balance of power.
Last but not least it is defeating the enemies arrayed against them that appears to be the main Urgal objective rather than reunifying their formation and and crushing each enemy column one by one. We are never really aware of the topography of the battlefield, it could be impossible to unite all three Urgal columns because some mountain may lie between them, but if instead of attacking those against them at once they tried to reunite with their other formations they could have been far more effective.
At least though the Urgals had a good strategic plan and the element of surprise. The Varden and the dwarves make even greater mistakes. Wait until next time for them.
Urgals
The Urgal's intention was to overrun Tronjheim, conquer the dwarf nation and, if the Silarilion was Paolini's inspiration, turn the Beor mountains into an Urgal kingdom that was to be allied with the Empire. In exchange for doing the Empire's dirty job it gave them a general (Durza), free passage through its territory (the Urgals were after all based on the Spine) and supplies until the battle. The only way the Urgals had access to Tronjheim was through the tunnels under Farthen Dur. We are told that there is a dense network of tunnels under the mountain leading everywhere. The dwarves (and Arya with Eragon, but they are under the command of the dwarves) have collapsed earlier all the tunnels except those through which they intend to channel the Urgals. Yet despite the fact that it soon becomes obvious that this is a trap the Urgals keep on attacking, buldozer style like in the great battles of the Western and Italian Front in World War I. Durza is a horrible general for his army but then again among his orders is to exterminate the Urgals. The Urgals should have tried to dig the blocked tunnels and appear at other places instead of just stubbornly attacking.
Furthermore after the death of Durza the Urgal army turns on itself. With the Urgals having surrounded their enemies (the 12 companions of Durza could have been followed by many more) they could have by now easily defeated the Varden and dwarves. Yet it appears the Urgals are so deeply split among themselves that they cannot stay together except by force. After the death of Durza it was a great opportunity not only to defeat the Varden but also to claim victory for themsleves and gain some advantage over the Empire in the following balance of power.
Last but not least it is defeating the enemies arrayed against them that appears to be the main Urgal objective rather than reunifying their formation and and crushing each enemy column one by one. We are never really aware of the topography of the battlefield, it could be impossible to unite all three Urgal columns because some mountain may lie between them, but if instead of attacking those against them at once they tried to reunite with their other formations they could have been far more effective.
At least though the Urgals had a good strategic plan and the element of surprise. The Varden and the dwarves make even greater mistakes. Wait until next time for them.
mercredi 28 février 2007
Battle under Farthen Dur II
Last time I was of course referring to the population of Tronjheim, not Farthen Dur. Also I have discovered most criticism in Wikipedia originates at anti-shurtugal.com
Description of the battle
This battle is much simpler than the Burning plains. The Varden/dwarves are waiting at three holes they have dug out the enemy. We are led to believe that the three holes emerge over rather flat terrain. At dawn the Urgals come out in three parts and attack the three different formations. We are led to believe that three symmetrical rather independant battles take place at the same place in the same time, kind of like the battle of Kilkis-Lahanas in the second Balkan war. The first wave is burned by tar. The next waves face and defeat the pikemen of the front line then storm the hastily built defences (suffering losses all the way) and then face the main body of their enemies. The Varden/dwarves are driven back towards Tronjheim, which is rather empty. Eragon and Saphira fly at crisis points to plug breaches in the three formations and attack the Urgals from unexpected directions (without any strategic consequences, the Urgals are not turned back). After several hours Eragon, Saphira and Arya are called to Tronjheim to stop Urgals from tunneling in: This is a trap. Eragon, with Arya's help, kills Durza but both are seriously wounded. The Urgals turn on each other and break their formations fleeeing into the tunnels. Over the next three days the dwarves and Varden hunt them. On the third day Ajihad is killed by Urgals who, under the control of the Twins, capture Murtagh and defect to Galbatorix.
Critique
Durza, Ajihad and Hrothgar display bad generalship from the strategic level. More likely though it was Paolini who at the age of 15 or 18 when he wrote the scene did not know how a battle was really waged. The Urgals charge on despite the prepared defences, the dwarves do not use the hillsides of Farthen Dur to their advantage, war machines are completely absent, too much needless killing takes place. On my next installment (probably on Friday) I will give a critique by side which, I must say will not be pretty. Nasuada proves a way better general at the Burning Plains than her father at Farthen Dur...
Description of the battle
This battle is much simpler than the Burning plains. The Varden/dwarves are waiting at three holes they have dug out the enemy. We are led to believe that the three holes emerge over rather flat terrain. At dawn the Urgals come out in three parts and attack the three different formations. We are led to believe that three symmetrical rather independant battles take place at the same place in the same time, kind of like the battle of Kilkis-Lahanas in the second Balkan war. The first wave is burned by tar. The next waves face and defeat the pikemen of the front line then storm the hastily built defences (suffering losses all the way) and then face the main body of their enemies. The Varden/dwarves are driven back towards Tronjheim, which is rather empty. Eragon and Saphira fly at crisis points to plug breaches in the three formations and attack the Urgals from unexpected directions (without any strategic consequences, the Urgals are not turned back). After several hours Eragon, Saphira and Arya are called to Tronjheim to stop Urgals from tunneling in: This is a trap. Eragon, with Arya's help, kills Durza but both are seriously wounded. The Urgals turn on each other and break their formations fleeeing into the tunnels. Over the next three days the dwarves and Varden hunt them. On the third day Ajihad is killed by Urgals who, under the control of the Twins, capture Murtagh and defect to Galbatorix.
Critique
Durza, Ajihad and Hrothgar display bad generalship from the strategic level. More likely though it was Paolini who at the age of 15 or 18 when he wrote the scene did not know how a battle was really waged. The Urgals charge on despite the prepared defences, the dwarves do not use the hillsides of Farthen Dur to their advantage, war machines are completely absent, too much needless killing takes place. On my next installment (probably on Friday) I will give a critique by side which, I must say will not be pretty. Nasuada proves a way better general at the Burning Plains than her father at Farthen Dur...
jeudi 22 février 2007
Website up and running
The site I wanted to create, I just did. It's link is http://eragonmil.topcities.com I'll add it near the top soon
lundi 19 février 2007
Battle under Farthen Dur Ib
I'm sorry that I am late in updating my blog but Real Life is getting in the way. This will have to be a short update...
Last time I just gave my conclusion on the numbers at Farthen Dur without giving upper and lower ranges. At the lowest range, if there are 2500 Varden there are twice as many dwarves and thus 7,500 overall. At the upper edge with 3,000 Varden there can be as many as 6 or 7 dwarves for every one of them giving as many as 21,000 dwarves, something not very likely since it wouldn't be realistic to have Jormundur commanding the third line.
What do the numbers of the dwarven army tell us about the population of Farthen Dur? Very little because simply we do not have demographic ratios for the dwarves. At Plataea most southern Greek city states sent something like 30% of their total population, that is every able bodied male between 18 and 50. We do not know even if that happened, because many could have fled to other cities and in any case we do not know what is the maximum age at which a dwarf can hold arms. Hrothgar is over 100, but how much older than that we never know. We are unaware at the average life expectancy of the dwarves in any case. If it was 30% of the Farthen Dur dwarves forming the army and they numbered 9,000 men then the total population of the city is 30,000 people and, assuming fove dwarven cities of similar size, the entire people numbers 150,000 individuals. This seems rather small, and is nothing but a half-educated guess. Next time, we will advance on the battle
Last time I just gave my conclusion on the numbers at Farthen Dur without giving upper and lower ranges. At the lowest range, if there are 2500 Varden there are twice as many dwarves and thus 7,500 overall. At the upper edge with 3,000 Varden there can be as many as 6 or 7 dwarves for every one of them giving as many as 21,000 dwarves, something not very likely since it wouldn't be realistic to have Jormundur commanding the third line.
What do the numbers of the dwarven army tell us about the population of Farthen Dur? Very little because simply we do not have demographic ratios for the dwarves. At Plataea most southern Greek city states sent something like 30% of their total population, that is every able bodied male between 18 and 50. We do not know even if that happened, because many could have fled to other cities and in any case we do not know what is the maximum age at which a dwarf can hold arms. Hrothgar is over 100, but how much older than that we never know. We are unaware at the average life expectancy of the dwarves in any case. If it was 30% of the Farthen Dur dwarves forming the army and they numbered 9,000 men then the total population of the city is 30,000 people and, assuming fove dwarven cities of similar size, the entire people numbers 150,000 individuals. This seems rather small, and is nothing but a half-educated guess. Next time, we will advance on the battle
vendredi 9 février 2007
Battle under Farthen Dur I
Looking back at the Burning Plains there is little to add. I did not discuss cavalry tactics (but then again we are not told anything about them) I did not question thouroughly whether the fortifications were manned, but these are theoretical rather than practical question, worthy perhaps of a later mention or better yet of more commentary after I set up my projected webpage.
On to Farthen Dur. Basically it is a much simpler battle and we know fewer things. The entire battle, including Durza's end takes only one chapter in Eragon while the aftermath takes another at Eldest without adding much new knowledge. If at Farthen Dur we had one bad general, right here we have several bad generals, which I will explain later.
Composition and size of enemy armies
About the general composition of the Varden and the dwarves I have discussed earlier. Basically the Varden are rather lightly armed: it is implied that they fight unarmoured while the dwarves have mail armor. Of the Urgals a good description is not given at the chapter, but earlier we are told that they protected themselves with a shield at Yazuac (if I remember correctrly) while we are told Garzhvog is only wearing a loincloth (rather than armor). Their offensive weapon is in most cases the sword though a few spearmen do encircle Saphira at some point.
For the Urgals we are not told number and they do not really matter anyway. They were simply massively more than the Varden and the dwarves. For the Varden we know they number about 4,000 at Farthen Dur, according to Orik. This number definitely includes non-combatants. How many of the Varden are non-combattants we are not told but we can guess. Jormundur has a wife and child with him, while the council of elders has 2 female and 3 male members. While women were generally evacuated this is not absolute: magic users took part in combat as we are told in Eldest. In any case we do not know if the 4,000 number includes children. In any case if the ratio of the council is an indication 3/5 of the 4,000 are men thus 2,400. I would round this to 3,000 since at desperate times even women took arms, like Nasuada and the magic users.
The Varden/dwarves are arrayed in three lines, one led by Hrothgar that inludes only dwarves (or at least that was Eragon's impression when he came to aid them) and two led by Ajihad and Jormundur. In Jormundur's formation fight Eragon, Arya and Orik (probably for dramatic effect). We are told that it includes both humans and dwarves. Since Ajihad leads the third line it must also include humans. It seems possible that these two lines have more humans than dwarves since humans are leading them but this is not necessary: the dwarves definitely lack experienced fighters. Eragon comments earlier lead us to believe that the villagers of Carvahall
think that dwarves are fictional, implying that they do not leave their cities often to attack the Empire like the Varden. Orik is ordered by Nassuada at the Burning Plains to take control of the dwarves, implying that they lack leaders with war experience, even at such a late hour!
If the three lines are equal in numbers and the Varden are evenly split between the two and in these two there are equal number of humans and dwarves then the Urgals are facing 9,000 fighters. However Arya's (and Eragon's but to a lesser extent since he is more mobile) presence makes Jormundur's line stronger than the rest. There is no reason to do so ans in any case it seems more likely to me than there are more dwarves at Jormundur's line than humans for the simple reason that the dwarves at Tronjheim far outnumber the humans, as we saw during Saphira's and Eragon's procession towards Ajihad. Hence I am inclined to believe that there are 3 dwarves for every human in the battle (to reflect the demographic difference) and the Urgals are facing about 3,000 humans and 9,000 dwarves overall. More to come next week
On to Farthen Dur. Basically it is a much simpler battle and we know fewer things. The entire battle, including Durza's end takes only one chapter in Eragon while the aftermath takes another at Eldest without adding much new knowledge. If at Farthen Dur we had one bad general, right here we have several bad generals, which I will explain later.
Composition and size of enemy armies
About the general composition of the Varden and the dwarves I have discussed earlier. Basically the Varden are rather lightly armed: it is implied that they fight unarmoured while the dwarves have mail armor. Of the Urgals a good description is not given at the chapter, but earlier we are told that they protected themselves with a shield at Yazuac (if I remember correctrly) while we are told Garzhvog is only wearing a loincloth (rather than armor). Their offensive weapon is in most cases the sword though a few spearmen do encircle Saphira at some point.
For the Urgals we are not told number and they do not really matter anyway. They were simply massively more than the Varden and the dwarves. For the Varden we know they number about 4,000 at Farthen Dur, according to Orik. This number definitely includes non-combatants. How many of the Varden are non-combattants we are not told but we can guess. Jormundur has a wife and child with him, while the council of elders has 2 female and 3 male members. While women were generally evacuated this is not absolute: magic users took part in combat as we are told in Eldest. In any case we do not know if the 4,000 number includes children. In any case if the ratio of the council is an indication 3/5 of the 4,000 are men thus 2,400. I would round this to 3,000 since at desperate times even women took arms, like Nasuada and the magic users.
The Varden/dwarves are arrayed in three lines, one led by Hrothgar that inludes only dwarves (or at least that was Eragon's impression when he came to aid them) and two led by Ajihad and Jormundur. In Jormundur's formation fight Eragon, Arya and Orik (probably for dramatic effect). We are told that it includes both humans and dwarves. Since Ajihad leads the third line it must also include humans. It seems possible that these two lines have more humans than dwarves since humans are leading them but this is not necessary: the dwarves definitely lack experienced fighters. Eragon comments earlier lead us to believe that the villagers of Carvahall
think that dwarves are fictional, implying that they do not leave their cities often to attack the Empire like the Varden. Orik is ordered by Nassuada at the Burning Plains to take control of the dwarves, implying that they lack leaders with war experience, even at such a late hour!
If the three lines are equal in numbers and the Varden are evenly split between the two and in these two there are equal number of humans and dwarves then the Urgals are facing 9,000 fighters. However Arya's (and Eragon's but to a lesser extent since he is more mobile) presence makes Jormundur's line stronger than the rest. There is no reason to do so ans in any case it seems more likely to me than there are more dwarves at Jormundur's line than humans for the simple reason that the dwarves at Tronjheim far outnumber the humans, as we saw during Saphira's and Eragon's procession towards Ajihad. Hence I am inclined to believe that there are 3 dwarves for every human in the battle (to reflect the demographic difference) and the Urgals are facing about 3,000 humans and 9,000 dwarves overall. More to come next week
vendredi 2 février 2007
Battle of the Burning Plains VI
This is to be my last major comment on this battle, which is the most complex battle in in the Inheritance trilogy so far. I will continue in the future with the other major battle in the series, that taking place under Farthen Dur, a general commentary on the Varden as a military force, the rise of Galbatorix, the dwarves and the Elves and other comments. I will try to set my writings in the form of a web-page so that they can become more accessible. Do not expect me to update as often as I did for my firs article series.
Casualties
Basically anybody's guess is good. Before the invention of gunpowder battles would produce 3 dead for every wounded. In the age of gunpowder this ratio was reversed. In this battle, with Eragon's advanced magical knowledge, many magical healers, defections to and from and unknown troop numbers everything is open. We are told that the bulk of Galbatorix's army escaped beyond the river. The bulk can mean anything upwards of 2/3. Eragon and Saphira are shown to kill by the dozens, while of his bodyguard 2 of the 4 Kull and 3 of the 7 dwarves get killed, something not surprising since they were the front line crack troops. In most historical battles before gunpowder it was harder to have more than one casualty per enemy soldiers, unless we are talking about true tactical blunders by enemy commanders and defections like Plataea or Cannae.
In one of the largest military disasters that befell Athens, the battle of Delium, the Athenians lost 22% of their forces and the winning Thebans 8%. In Cannae the losing Romans lost 55% of their force and the winning Carthaginians less than 10%. Something over 10% casualties for the joint anti-Galbatorix force would be a surprise since the dwarves probably suffered little due to their late arrival. If I would have to place a max on Galbatorix's dead it would be 20 to 25%. At the end of the battle most of Galbatorix's force has escape beyond the river, no longer forms an army but is still alive. We are not told if they can be rallied into a new army (but are led to believe they cannot) but Galbatorix probably needs in any case to snd new officers to lead them. He might as well raise a knew army to replace them, this might even be simpler.
Respone to unfair criticism
This is to respond to the unfair criticism written at the bottom of the battle's page in Wikipedia:
1.It is humanly impossible to run 800 meters in full gear: In Marathon the Athenians run 1500 meters in heavier gear. In any case it depends on the meaning of run: We cannot expect them to do the distance in under 1 minutes like Olympic runners but have them walk at three times the normal pace could be called running and would have taken under 15 minutes
2.The Varden leave prepared defences to fight a numerically superior army Nassuada decided to take the initiative. Probably she wanted to catch her enemy unprepared (which she mostly did), perhaps she wished to keep the morale boost given by Eragon before it dropped, perhaps she knew from the Durgrinst snt earlier that the dwarves were near.
3The Kings cavalry is forgotten. Not quite. Eragon, not Orrin is the focus of the book. We are told that they throw themselves at the flank like the cavalry before them, implying the cavalry is still ther fighting at the side.
4The Battle is physically impossible to have lasted the whole day. This is what happened in Cunaxa, the 10,000 Greek mercenaries attack and fought all day without even having eaten breakfast. Many battles have lasted an entire day before gunpowder.
5 Eragon leaves at the height of the battle over a ship. Eragon could have smote down the ship on his own before it became a threat to anybody. Nobody else is simply capable of doing so
6 The Deus ex machina dwarves. Nasuada has some idea when they are expected to arrive. Perhaps she chose to battle on that day for this reason, knowing that the Empire could have neutralised her forces first and the dwarves in succession before they could unify, and hope that by wearing down the imperial forces they cannot threaten the dwarves who are expected soon and could catch the imperials weary. In any case Deus ex machina is common in fantasy battles, see Helm's Deep of the Pellanor Fields in the Lord of the Rings.
Characterisation
In a nutshell Nassuada is good (but not great) and lucky, her counterpart horrible and Hrothgar unlucky. The Burning Plains are far greater a victory than Farthen Dur which was fought in an obscure (for those living in the Empire) place by two non-human races. That the Urgals are fighting for Galbatorix is unknown to most living in the Empire, on the other hand here is a major victory against a known enemy by known foes. Whatever the result of Murtagh's appearance if Galbatorix is as unpopular in the South as in the North he should be facing major upheavals on his path and have trouble from now own concentrating his forces, even more since he should be facing an Elvish invasion.
Perhaps this will be Nassuada's Granicus: After that battle (and combined with brilliant tactical moves) Alexander the Great found himself in control of the biggest part of Asia Minor, more than any Greek general before him had even hoped to dream. We need to wait and see when in the next book what will the influnce be to nearby cities: will they surrender, will they resist. We will find out together with the publication of book III, whenever that is to happen.
Casualties
Basically anybody's guess is good. Before the invention of gunpowder battles would produce 3 dead for every wounded. In the age of gunpowder this ratio was reversed. In this battle, with Eragon's advanced magical knowledge, many magical healers, defections to and from and unknown troop numbers everything is open. We are told that the bulk of Galbatorix's army escaped beyond the river. The bulk can mean anything upwards of 2/3. Eragon and Saphira are shown to kill by the dozens, while of his bodyguard 2 of the 4 Kull and 3 of the 7 dwarves get killed, something not surprising since they were the front line crack troops. In most historical battles before gunpowder it was harder to have more than one casualty per enemy soldiers, unless we are talking about true tactical blunders by enemy commanders and defections like Plataea or Cannae.
In one of the largest military disasters that befell Athens, the battle of Delium, the Athenians lost 22% of their forces and the winning Thebans 8%. In Cannae the losing Romans lost 55% of their force and the winning Carthaginians less than 10%. Something over 10% casualties for the joint anti-Galbatorix force would be a surprise since the dwarves probably suffered little due to their late arrival. If I would have to place a max on Galbatorix's dead it would be 20 to 25%. At the end of the battle most of Galbatorix's force has escape beyond the river, no longer forms an army but is still alive. We are not told if they can be rallied into a new army (but are led to believe they cannot) but Galbatorix probably needs in any case to snd new officers to lead them. He might as well raise a knew army to replace them, this might even be simpler.
Respone to unfair criticism
This is to respond to the unfair criticism written at the bottom of the battle's page in Wikipedia:
1.It is humanly impossible to run 800 meters in full gear: In Marathon the Athenians run 1500 meters in heavier gear. In any case it depends on the meaning of run: We cannot expect them to do the distance in under 1 minutes like Olympic runners but have them walk at three times the normal pace could be called running and would have taken under 15 minutes
2.The Varden leave prepared defences to fight a numerically superior army Nassuada decided to take the initiative. Probably she wanted to catch her enemy unprepared (which she mostly did), perhaps she wished to keep the morale boost given by Eragon before it dropped, perhaps she knew from the Durgrinst snt earlier that the dwarves were near.
3The Kings cavalry is forgotten. Not quite. Eragon, not Orrin is the focus of the book. We are told that they throw themselves at the flank like the cavalry before them, implying the cavalry is still ther fighting at the side.
4The Battle is physically impossible to have lasted the whole day. This is what happened in Cunaxa, the 10,000 Greek mercenaries attack and fought all day without even having eaten breakfast. Many battles have lasted an entire day before gunpowder.
5 Eragon leaves at the height of the battle over a ship. Eragon could have smote down the ship on his own before it became a threat to anybody. Nobody else is simply capable of doing so
6 The Deus ex machina dwarves. Nasuada has some idea when they are expected to arrive. Perhaps she chose to battle on that day for this reason, knowing that the Empire could have neutralised her forces first and the dwarves in succession before they could unify, and hope that by wearing down the imperial forces they cannot threaten the dwarves who are expected soon and could catch the imperials weary. In any case Deus ex machina is common in fantasy battles, see Helm's Deep of the Pellanor Fields in the Lord of the Rings.
Characterisation
In a nutshell Nassuada is good (but not great) and lucky, her counterpart horrible and Hrothgar unlucky. The Burning Plains are far greater a victory than Farthen Dur which was fought in an obscure (for those living in the Empire) place by two non-human races. That the Urgals are fighting for Galbatorix is unknown to most living in the Empire, on the other hand here is a major victory against a known enemy by known foes. Whatever the result of Murtagh's appearance if Galbatorix is as unpopular in the South as in the North he should be facing major upheavals on his path and have trouble from now own concentrating his forces, even more since he should be facing an Elvish invasion.
Perhaps this will be Nassuada's Granicus: After that battle (and combined with brilliant tactical moves) Alexander the Great found himself in control of the biggest part of Asia Minor, more than any Greek general before him had even hoped to dream. We need to wait and see when in the next book what will the influnce be to nearby cities: will they surrender, will they resist. We will find out together with the publication of book III, whenever that is to happen.
jeudi 1 février 2007
Battle of the Burning Plains V
Several more questions follow:
5. Why where the burning plains chosen by Nasuada as the battleflied? We are only told that the army was sent up the Jiet River to stop Galbatorix's river from going down the river to invade Surda
6. Why did the imperial army did not include cavalry? This, more than all others is the reason why the imperial army lost. Historically the cavalry is owned and manned by the aristocracy of a country. Is it that the empire no longer has an aristocracy after the slaying of the Forsworn? Did Galbatorix or his unknown general believe it was not necessary? Could it be (something supported by the existance of war machines) that the army was mainly intended for siege rather than for battles in open field? Does that mean that the imperial general or Galbatorix believe that the Surdans would just lock themselves up behind their walls and just weather the siege?
7. Why did the dwarves (and Eragon who joined them for his 8th attack) attack from the flank rather than the back? I might be repetitive but attacks from the back are more effective than from the side or the front. Encirclement would have been another option but it seems that even after the addition of the dwarves the imperial army maintained superiority. As Sun Tzu states never cage a beast, always leave a path of escape (and slaughter them as they escape).
Basically the battle has a high degree of realism, something that cannot be said about Farthen Dur. Saphira misses the dwarven army but this is understandable considering that if she flies over where it was camped it was during the night. The generals make mistakes, but these are mistakes people can be expected to do, not blaring ommisions from the writer.
Unlike Tolkien where we learn of places long before they become important (Gondor, Mordor, Rohan, Isengrad and Moria get mentioned at the council of Elrond if not earlier, long before they become important, let alone battlefields) Paolini's places seem to come out of the blue (with the exception of Ellesmera), but then again they are not public knowledge. The Shire is quite unknown to the inhabitants of Rohan and Gondor. It would have been better if the Burning Plains were mentioned before they became a battlefield (again), but we are quite ignorant of the battlefields of the Fall. I will try to examine scenarios of what would have happened had other events taken place.
What if
1. What would happen had the dwarves not arrived?
More likely the Varden would have retreated behind their fortification with Eragon covering their retreat. The breach would have been sealed somewhat, Eragon probably covering this sector with Arya, and a slow attack of the imperials would have followed. It ending would more likely be a Pyrrhic imperial victory, something quite acceptable to Surda that had reinforcements at the cities. A second battle inside Surda could have taken place leading to a defeat of the imperial army if it was not reinforced
2. What would happen had Eragon not arrived that day?
More likely that the battle would have awaited for Eragon's arrival. The imperial general is also aware of Eragon's arrival, he chose his arrival to announce his rejection of Surda's terms. Could it be that he was waiting for more troops like cavalry? Perhaps he chose to attack now fearing Surdan reinforcement that indeed arrived in the form of the dwarves.
3. What would happen had Murtagh arrived at the beginning of the battle?
More likely Eragon and Murtagh would have fought in single combat. When Eragon was not tired he could definitely defeat Murtagh in a sword duel, and with the jewelry fully charged victory in magical combat would have been a strong possibility if not certainty. Arya might have lent her strength, too. With their rider defeated the imperials might have even melted away without a fight.
4. How come Murtagh and his dragon Thorn matched Eragon and Saphira in strength?
When Arya summoned in Eragon the essence of silver she told him that the true name of one should remain hidden else they can be tottaly manipulated. Murtagh and Thorn's strength are in my opinion an example of this type of manipulation.
5 What would happen had Eragon not arrived at all?
Had the dwarves arrived on time and the imperial army waiting for whatever it was waiting Nasuada would have attacked, more likely the next day. Murtagh more likely would not have arrived to join the battle. The outcome would have been more likely than not a loss for the forces supporting Galbatorix since they were badly led and no longer had such a massive numerical advantage.
I have little more to add, stay tuned
5. Why where the burning plains chosen by Nasuada as the battleflied? We are only told that the army was sent up the Jiet River to stop Galbatorix's river from going down the river to invade Surda
6. Why did the imperial army did not include cavalry? This, more than all others is the reason why the imperial army lost. Historically the cavalry is owned and manned by the aristocracy of a country. Is it that the empire no longer has an aristocracy after the slaying of the Forsworn? Did Galbatorix or his unknown general believe it was not necessary? Could it be (something supported by the existance of war machines) that the army was mainly intended for siege rather than for battles in open field? Does that mean that the imperial general or Galbatorix believe that the Surdans would just lock themselves up behind their walls and just weather the siege?
7. Why did the dwarves (and Eragon who joined them for his 8th attack) attack from the flank rather than the back? I might be repetitive but attacks from the back are more effective than from the side or the front. Encirclement would have been another option but it seems that even after the addition of the dwarves the imperial army maintained superiority. As Sun Tzu states never cage a beast, always leave a path of escape (and slaughter them as they escape).
Basically the battle has a high degree of realism, something that cannot be said about Farthen Dur. Saphira misses the dwarven army but this is understandable considering that if she flies over where it was camped it was during the night. The generals make mistakes, but these are mistakes people can be expected to do, not blaring ommisions from the writer.
Unlike Tolkien where we learn of places long before they become important (Gondor, Mordor, Rohan, Isengrad and Moria get mentioned at the council of Elrond if not earlier, long before they become important, let alone battlefields) Paolini's places seem to come out of the blue (with the exception of Ellesmera), but then again they are not public knowledge. The Shire is quite unknown to the inhabitants of Rohan and Gondor. It would have been better if the Burning Plains were mentioned before they became a battlefield (again), but we are quite ignorant of the battlefields of the Fall. I will try to examine scenarios of what would have happened had other events taken place.
What if
1. What would happen had the dwarves not arrived?
More likely the Varden would have retreated behind their fortification with Eragon covering their retreat. The breach would have been sealed somewhat, Eragon probably covering this sector with Arya, and a slow attack of the imperials would have followed. It ending would more likely be a Pyrrhic imperial victory, something quite acceptable to Surda that had reinforcements at the cities. A second battle inside Surda could have taken place leading to a defeat of the imperial army if it was not reinforced
2. What would happen had Eragon not arrived that day?
More likely that the battle would have awaited for Eragon's arrival. The imperial general is also aware of Eragon's arrival, he chose his arrival to announce his rejection of Surda's terms. Could it be that he was waiting for more troops like cavalry? Perhaps he chose to attack now fearing Surdan reinforcement that indeed arrived in the form of the dwarves.
3. What would happen had Murtagh arrived at the beginning of the battle?
More likely Eragon and Murtagh would have fought in single combat. When Eragon was not tired he could definitely defeat Murtagh in a sword duel, and with the jewelry fully charged victory in magical combat would have been a strong possibility if not certainty. Arya might have lent her strength, too. With their rider defeated the imperials might have even melted away without a fight.
4. How come Murtagh and his dragon Thorn matched Eragon and Saphira in strength?
When Arya summoned in Eragon the essence of silver she told him that the true name of one should remain hidden else they can be tottaly manipulated. Murtagh and Thorn's strength are in my opinion an example of this type of manipulation.
5 What would happen had Eragon not arrived at all?
Had the dwarves arrived on time and the imperial army waiting for whatever it was waiting Nasuada would have attacked, more likely the next day. Murtagh more likely would not have arrived to join the battle. The outcome would have been more likely than not a loss for the forces supporting Galbatorix since they were badly led and no longer had such a massive numerical advantage.
I have little more to add, stay tuned
mardi 30 janvier 2007
Battle of the Burning Plains IV
No addendum this time, I did reread for the Nth time the description but the only new thing I noticed was that Murtagh was outfitted with plate armor and that some hundred (rather than several hundred) Kull took part.
Critique of the battle
I am not here to malicously criticise Paolini for the battle, which I feel has been overdone in the Internet. I am here to criticise the generals of the battle for their conduct. Of course they are Paolini's creation, so it might read as a critique of him.
For commenting I will rely on my memory and the books on tactics and strategy I have read. Most significantly I'll rely on my recollection of byzantine emperor Leo the Wise's book Tactics. It is a military manual written probably by him during his reign (Leo was a good scholar but a bad general, the nickname Wise is ironic) and describes how the byzantine war machine worked. It is one of the many examples why the Byzantine Empire was NOT a medieval state, since it treated war as a very serious business and had plans ready at any time to face its enemies, something that western states of the time did not.
Leo the Wise analyses how different armies of his time fight (Arab armies, Western armies, blond i.e. Slavic armies, Turkic armies) and suggests the proper tactics to defeat them. His general suggestions are that the army should be placed in two line, if possible three, and have reinforcement to plug breaches the enemy causes or to take advantage of the situation and that the main attack should come from the flank where enemies are always more vulnerable. On to the battle now:
Generally the level of the Varden/Surdan army is superior to that of the imperial army. Though Nasuada makes mistakes, her counterpart makes far greater. While it is excusable for Nassuada to array her army in a single line due to massive numerical superiority, for the imperial army this is downright criminal. A second line would have left forces ready to attack the Varden from the side or even the back, Orrin's cavalry from the flank and would have ensured victory, especially considering that the numerical superiority allowed the imperials to do so and there were no major land abnormalities in the Plains of which we are told. The battle took the form of a battle in restricted territory, like at Thermopylae or Isus, which it did not need to. Some other critique:
1 Why did Nassuada did not send her army to attack during the night? If the attack coincided with the poisons of Angela, the confusion would have been such the imperial army could have disintegrated At least the attack took place soon after the poisons took their toll
2 Why did Nassuada send her army to the enemy encampment instead of having them come to her? Perhaps it was simply impossible
3 Why didn't Orrin's cavalry attack from the back to cause double envelopment, as in the battle of Cannae or the battle of Marathon, perhaps in a wedge like Achilles did in the last battle of the Iliad where he breaches the Trojan line and traps half the Trojan Army between the Acheans and the river, mercilessly killing them. Perhaps they were too few
4 When the Surdans reach their fortifications, were they manned, by archers perhaps? We are not told
A comment I have to add is that the imperial army was definitely well trained. Considering they withstood 7 dragon attacks without fleeing, and how fearsome would be a creature that had not been seen in decades by people much simpler than those of today, it is perhaps safe to assume that Galbatorix and Shruikan trained them themselves to withstand such an attack. More commentary will come at a later day
Critique of the battle
I am not here to malicously criticise Paolini for the battle, which I feel has been overdone in the Internet. I am here to criticise the generals of the battle for their conduct. Of course they are Paolini's creation, so it might read as a critique of him.
For commenting I will rely on my memory and the books on tactics and strategy I have read. Most significantly I'll rely on my recollection of byzantine emperor Leo the Wise's book Tactics. It is a military manual written probably by him during his reign (Leo was a good scholar but a bad general, the nickname Wise is ironic) and describes how the byzantine war machine worked. It is one of the many examples why the Byzantine Empire was NOT a medieval state, since it treated war as a very serious business and had plans ready at any time to face its enemies, something that western states of the time did not.
Leo the Wise analyses how different armies of his time fight (Arab armies, Western armies, blond i.e. Slavic armies, Turkic armies) and suggests the proper tactics to defeat them. His general suggestions are that the army should be placed in two line, if possible three, and have reinforcement to plug breaches the enemy causes or to take advantage of the situation and that the main attack should come from the flank where enemies are always more vulnerable. On to the battle now:
Generally the level of the Varden/Surdan army is superior to that of the imperial army. Though Nasuada makes mistakes, her counterpart makes far greater. While it is excusable for Nassuada to array her army in a single line due to massive numerical superiority, for the imperial army this is downright criminal. A second line would have left forces ready to attack the Varden from the side or even the back, Orrin's cavalry from the flank and would have ensured victory, especially considering that the numerical superiority allowed the imperials to do so and there were no major land abnormalities in the Plains of which we are told. The battle took the form of a battle in restricted territory, like at Thermopylae or Isus, which it did not need to. Some other critique:
1 Why did Nassuada did not send her army to attack during the night? If the attack coincided with the poisons of Angela, the confusion would have been such the imperial army could have disintegrated At least the attack took place soon after the poisons took their toll
2 Why did Nassuada send her army to the enemy encampment instead of having them come to her? Perhaps it was simply impossible
3 Why didn't Orrin's cavalry attack from the back to cause double envelopment, as in the battle of Cannae or the battle of Marathon, perhaps in a wedge like Achilles did in the last battle of the Iliad where he breaches the Trojan line and traps half the Trojan Army between the Acheans and the river, mercilessly killing them. Perhaps they were too few
4 When the Surdans reach their fortifications, were they manned, by archers perhaps? We are not told
A comment I have to add is that the imperial army was definitely well trained. Considering they withstood 7 dragon attacks without fleeing, and how fearsome would be a creature that had not been seen in decades by people much simpler than those of today, it is perhaps safe to assume that Galbatorix and Shruikan trained them themselves to withstand such an attack. More commentary will come at a later day
lundi 29 janvier 2007
Battle of the burning plains III
Conduct of the battle
Before I can analyse further the battle I need to give a summary of how the battle was conducted. Eldest has the last 5 to 6 chapters dedicated to the battle. They give us however Eragon's POV of the battle (and, in Convergence, Roran's) rather than a general description. This is anything but uncommon in real history, knowing a battle only from one POV and not even knowing what really occured. In many cases far less than all these chapters Paolini dedicates are given for a battle. Let us consider for example Herodotus' description of the battle of Marathon (from book VI, translated by G.C. Macaulay in the 18th century):
111. And when it came round to him, then the Athenians were drawn up for battle in the order which here follows:-- On the right wing the polemarch Callimachos was leader (for the custom of the Athenians then was this, that the polemarch should have the right wing); and he leading, next after him came the tribes in order as they were numbered one after another, and last were drawn up the Plataians occupying the left wing: for ever since this battle, when the Athenians offer sacrifices in the solemn assemblies which are made at the four-yearly festivals, the herald of the Athenians prays thus, "that blessings may come to the Athenians and to the Plataians both." On this occasion however, when the Athenians were being drawn up at Marathon something of this kind was done:--their army being made equal in length of front to that of the Medes, came to drawn up in the middle with a depth of but few ranks, and here their army was weakest, while each wing was strengthened with numbers. 112. And when they had been arranged in their places and the sacrifices proved favourable, then the Athenians were let go, and they set forth at a run to attack the Barbarians. Now the space between the armies was not less than eight furlongs: and the Persians seeing them advancing to the attack at a run, made preparations to receive them; and in their minds they charged the Athenians with madness which must be fatal, seeing that they were few and yet were pressing forwards at a run, having neither cavalry nor archers. Such was the thought of the Barbarians; but the Athenians when all in a body they had joined in combat with the Barbarians, fought in a memorable fashion: for they were the first of all the Hellenes about whom we know who went to attack the enemy at a run, and they were the first also who endured to face the Median garments and the men who wore them, whereas up to this time the very name of the Medes was to the Hellenes a terror to hear. 113. Now while they fought in Marathon, much time passed by; and in the centre of the army, where the Persians themselves and the Sacans were drawn up, the Barbarians were winning, --here, I say, the Barbarians had broken the ranks of their opponents and were pursuing them inland, but on both wings the Athenians and the Plataians severally were winning the victory; and being victorious they left that part of the Barbarians which had been routed to fly without molestation, and bringing together the two wings they fought with those who had broken their centre, and the Athenians were victorious. So they followed after the Persians as they fled, slaughtering them, until they came to the sea; and then they called for fire and began to take hold of the ships.
Herodotus tells us earlier the story of the Persian campaign before Marathon, the disagreements among the Athenians and then tells us of how many died and some aftermath. Compared to this Paolini's description is rather large and well detailled. A small description of the full battle, as I understood it follows:
1 At dawn the Varden/Surdan army issues out of their fortifications, where a breach had been made to allow them out, and walks quietly the distance separating the two armies (about 2 miles).
2 After 3/4 of the distance has been covered the imperial army notices them and begins forming ranks. Orrin's cavalry and the Urgals attacks from the side, pinning and immobilising the imperial army, causing it damage.
Armies are always more vulnerable to attacks from the side and even more from the back. Epameinondas won one of his biggest victories attacking at night, during a storm and from an unexpected direction, combining thus most elements that multiply the efficacity of attack.
3 The infantry (led by Nasuada and Arya) cover the last quarter of the distance running (about 800 meters) and meet the imperial army.
4 After very damaging attacks by imperial war machines forcing the infantry to retreat Nasuada asks Eragon to come to the front line along with his dragon, to bolster morale. Eragon, who in this time was using magic to effortlessly kill imperial soldiers from a distance, comes forward. Using magic he destroys the war machines and attacks, along with his battle group, killing those opposing him. He thus allows the Varden/Surdan infantry to retreat in order but cannot breach the imperial formation.
5. On his 7th attack, with the infantry retreated to the fortification (we are never told if they remained manned) and with Eragon having lost 2 of his 4 Urgal companions and 3 of the 7 dwarf companions Hrothgar arrives with his dwarven army and also attacks from the side. The battle is balanced and then the imperial army retreats towards its original starting position, maintaining formation.
6. Roran arrives on the Dragon Wing carrying the villagers of Carvahal. The Dragon Wing serves as a base of archer attacks against the imperial army.
7. Murtagh and the Twins arrive to bolster the ranks of the imperial army. Murtagh quickly kills Hrothgar (Orik takes command of the dwarves) but is neutralised for the battle by Eragon. They duel beyond the river but Murtagh, though victorious, leaves the battlefield riding his dragon (since he is a reluctant servant of Galbatorix). In the mean time Roran kills the Twins.
8. Having lost the Twins, their rider having flown away, attacked from three sides, the officer corps being exterminated by Angels's poisons and little willing to serve Galbatorix the imperial army disintegrates. Large numbers surrender to the Varden/Surdans, some even join them but most escape beyond the river, more a mass of men than a fighting force. The Varden/Surdan/dwarf army lacks the means to chase and slaughter them and allows them to escape.
Before I can analyse further the battle I need to give a summary of how the battle was conducted. Eldest has the last 5 to 6 chapters dedicated to the battle. They give us however Eragon's POV of the battle (and, in Convergence, Roran's) rather than a general description. This is anything but uncommon in real history, knowing a battle only from one POV and not even knowing what really occured. In many cases far less than all these chapters Paolini dedicates are given for a battle. Let us consider for example Herodotus' description of the battle of Marathon (from book VI, translated by G.C. Macaulay in the 18th century):
111. And when it came round to him, then the Athenians were drawn up for battle in the order which here follows:-- On the right wing the polemarch Callimachos was leader (for the custom of the Athenians then was this, that the polemarch should have the right wing); and he leading, next after him came the tribes in order as they were numbered one after another, and last were drawn up the Plataians occupying the left wing: for ever since this battle, when the Athenians offer sacrifices in the solemn assemblies which are made at the four-yearly festivals, the herald of the Athenians prays thus, "that blessings may come to the Athenians and to the Plataians both." On this occasion however, when the Athenians were being drawn up at Marathon something of this kind was done:--their army being made equal in length of front to that of the Medes, came to drawn up in the middle with a depth of but few ranks, and here their army was weakest, while each wing was strengthened with numbers. 112. And when they had been arranged in their places and the sacrifices proved favourable, then the Athenians were let go, and they set forth at a run to attack the Barbarians. Now the space between the armies was not less than eight furlongs: and the Persians seeing them advancing to the attack at a run, made preparations to receive them; and in their minds they charged the Athenians with madness which must be fatal, seeing that they were few and yet were pressing forwards at a run, having neither cavalry nor archers. Such was the thought of the Barbarians; but the Athenians when all in a body they had joined in combat with the Barbarians, fought in a memorable fashion: for they were the first of all the Hellenes about whom we know who went to attack the enemy at a run, and they were the first also who endured to face the Median garments and the men who wore them, whereas up to this time the very name of the Medes was to the Hellenes a terror to hear. 113. Now while they fought in Marathon, much time passed by; and in the centre of the army, where the Persians themselves and the Sacans were drawn up, the Barbarians were winning, --here, I say, the Barbarians had broken the ranks of their opponents and were pursuing them inland, but on both wings the Athenians and the Plataians severally were winning the victory; and being victorious they left that part of the Barbarians which had been routed to fly without molestation, and bringing together the two wings they fought with those who had broken their centre, and the Athenians were victorious. So they followed after the Persians as they fled, slaughtering them, until they came to the sea; and then they called for fire and began to take hold of the ships.
Herodotus tells us earlier the story of the Persian campaign before Marathon, the disagreements among the Athenians and then tells us of how many died and some aftermath. Compared to this Paolini's description is rather large and well detailled. A small description of the full battle, as I understood it follows:
1 At dawn the Varden/Surdan army issues out of their fortifications, where a breach had been made to allow them out, and walks quietly the distance separating the two armies (about 2 miles).
2 After 3/4 of the distance has been covered the imperial army notices them and begins forming ranks. Orrin's cavalry and the Urgals attacks from the side, pinning and immobilising the imperial army, causing it damage.
Armies are always more vulnerable to attacks from the side and even more from the back. Epameinondas won one of his biggest victories attacking at night, during a storm and from an unexpected direction, combining thus most elements that multiply the efficacity of attack.
3 The infantry (led by Nasuada and Arya) cover the last quarter of the distance running (about 800 meters) and meet the imperial army.
4 After very damaging attacks by imperial war machines forcing the infantry to retreat Nasuada asks Eragon to come to the front line along with his dragon, to bolster morale. Eragon, who in this time was using magic to effortlessly kill imperial soldiers from a distance, comes forward. Using magic he destroys the war machines and attacks, along with his battle group, killing those opposing him. He thus allows the Varden/Surdan infantry to retreat in order but cannot breach the imperial formation.
5. On his 7th attack, with the infantry retreated to the fortification (we are never told if they remained manned) and with Eragon having lost 2 of his 4 Urgal companions and 3 of the 7 dwarf companions Hrothgar arrives with his dwarven army and also attacks from the side. The battle is balanced and then the imperial army retreats towards its original starting position, maintaining formation.
6. Roran arrives on the Dragon Wing carrying the villagers of Carvahal. The Dragon Wing serves as a base of archer attacks against the imperial army.
7. Murtagh and the Twins arrive to bolster the ranks of the imperial army. Murtagh quickly kills Hrothgar (Orik takes command of the dwarves) but is neutralised for the battle by Eragon. They duel beyond the river but Murtagh, though victorious, leaves the battlefield riding his dragon (since he is a reluctant servant of Galbatorix). In the mean time Roran kills the Twins.
8. Having lost the Twins, their rider having flown away, attacked from three sides, the officer corps being exterminated by Angels's poisons and little willing to serve Galbatorix the imperial army disintegrates. Large numbers surrender to the Varden/Surdans, some even join them but most escape beyond the river, more a mass of men than a fighting force. The Varden/Surdan/dwarf army lacks the means to chase and slaughter them and allows them to escape.
jeudi 25 janvier 2007
Addendum II
I read again yesterday for the 7th or so time the description of the battle and noticed two things. First of all Fredric, weapon master of the Varden has an ox-hide armor. Thus leather armors are present among the armies of the inheritance trilogy. Furthermore dwarves are armed mostly with axes and hammers. The last part I should have noticed earlier, this is a characteristic of Tolkien's dwarves (and Viking warriors) and has become since a characteristic of fantasy dwarves.
This of course is a blog. Thoughts are written but at times they are not very well thought out. I intend in the future to create a website of a similar theme where I will post out finished and finalised versions of these thoughts.
This of course is a blog. Thoughts are written but at times they are not very well thought out. I intend in the future to create a website of a similar theme where I will post out finished and finalised versions of these thoughts.
mercredi 24 janvier 2007
Battle of the burning plains II
Composition of opposing forces
After having discussed the size of the opposing forces it is time we discuss their armaments. We are led to believe that the people fighting in the Inheritance trilogy are generally swordsmen defended by shields and chain mail armor, if available. While there are a few pikemen and a few archers generally Paolini has made his heroes fight in a pseudo-medieval way, as is raher common in fantasy literature.
The main offensive weapon seems to be the one hand sword. Swords needing two hands to hold are not mentioned. A few pikemen are mentioned near the front line, and Eragon has to defend himself by arcane means from showers of arrows but these seem to be the exceptions. This applies to both humans and dwarves. Only the elves are mentioned to be mainly armed with pikes (and indeed are shown so earlier, when Eragon enters Du Wuldenvarden) but they do not take part in this battle except for Arya, who mainly fights with her sword.
As for defensive weapons all soldiers seem to be armed with rather small shields. The large round shield of the hoplites of antiquity are absent and their tactics are not applied. Chain mail armor all the way to the feet is part of the standard armament of the dwarves, but we are led to believe that this is not so for human armies, whether the Varden or Surda. Plate armor, whether the bronze armor of archaic hoplites or hardened leather of classical and hellenisitc hoplites or the iron armor of the late middle ages and the renessaince are not mentioned except as Saphira's armor. The armor or the weapons of Orrin's cavalry or the Urghals are not mentioned, but we are led to believe that they too armed with swords.
Generally since both armies are rather symmetrical in armament and composition (except for the cavalry and the Urghals) one cannot really hope to use an inherent difference in the tactic of each formation to gain advantage. The ancient Greeks repeateldy defeated numerically superior Achemenid Persian armies because the much more heavily armed and superiorly disciplined hoplite would run to the enemy formation (to avoid arrows) and then breach it, causing it to disintegrate into a chaos of fleeing men who would enjoy numerical superiority but have little will to fight. Though Nassuada has the ace of the cavalry, the Kull and Eragon the infantry battle is bound to become a bloody series of individual jousts between swordsmen unless she uses some brilliant tactical move (that she does not).
After having discussed the size of the opposing forces it is time we discuss their armaments. We are led to believe that the people fighting in the Inheritance trilogy are generally swordsmen defended by shields and chain mail armor, if available. While there are a few pikemen and a few archers generally Paolini has made his heroes fight in a pseudo-medieval way, as is raher common in fantasy literature.
The main offensive weapon seems to be the one hand sword. Swords needing two hands to hold are not mentioned. A few pikemen are mentioned near the front line, and Eragon has to defend himself by arcane means from showers of arrows but these seem to be the exceptions. This applies to both humans and dwarves. Only the elves are mentioned to be mainly armed with pikes (and indeed are shown so earlier, when Eragon enters Du Wuldenvarden) but they do not take part in this battle except for Arya, who mainly fights with her sword.
As for defensive weapons all soldiers seem to be armed with rather small shields. The large round shield of the hoplites of antiquity are absent and their tactics are not applied. Chain mail armor all the way to the feet is part of the standard armament of the dwarves, but we are led to believe that this is not so for human armies, whether the Varden or Surda. Plate armor, whether the bronze armor of archaic hoplites or hardened leather of classical and hellenisitc hoplites or the iron armor of the late middle ages and the renessaince are not mentioned except as Saphira's armor. The armor or the weapons of Orrin's cavalry or the Urghals are not mentioned, but we are led to believe that they too armed with swords.
Generally since both armies are rather symmetrical in armament and composition (except for the cavalry and the Urghals) one cannot really hope to use an inherent difference in the tactic of each formation to gain advantage. The ancient Greeks repeateldy defeated numerically superior Achemenid Persian armies because the much more heavily armed and superiorly disciplined hoplite would run to the enemy formation (to avoid arrows) and then breach it, causing it to disintegrate into a chaos of fleeing men who would enjoy numerical superiority but have little will to fight. Though Nassuada has the ace of the cavalry, the Kull and Eragon the infantry battle is bound to become a bloody series of individual jousts between swordsmen unless she uses some brilliant tactical move (that she does not).
mardi 23 janvier 2007
Addendum
First of all I would like to apologise that, due to the blog form, part II will appear on top of part one. I do not know how to do it otherwise. On to more practical stuff:
I reread yesterday the relevant part of Eragon and it is Orik, not Ajihad that tells Eragon that the Varden in Farthen Dur number about 4,000 people and from Eragon's comment we are led to believe that this includes non-combattants. So the number of the Varden are not 5,000 at the most that I calculated yesterday, but probably even less.
What yesterday I did not calculate is the maximum possible numbers for the forces opposing Galbatorix. For this we are rather constrained by the need to maintain realistic drama. 5 to 1 is a very dramatic ratio but that can be surmounted if the weakest force is supperior in tactics. 3 to 1 is the standard attack ratio in military manuals in order to insure sucsess in an offensive operation in level fighting conditions. A lesser ratio than that simply does not have enough drama, especially if the Empire was to attack a fortified position. Thus I assume that the Surda/Varden army cannot be larger than one third of the imperial force, or 33,000 soldiers. But lets just round that to 30,000 because too much precision hurts in these cases. As a conclusion I assume that the forces opposing the Imperial army numbered:
Several hundred Kull (this is the only number given in the whole book)
Several hundred of Orrin's cavalry (they cannot be luch smaller or much larger than the force the accompany)
3,000 to 4,000 Varden
15,000 to 25,000 Surdan infantry
A few tens of thousands of Dwarves
These of course are my numbers. If anyone has a better guess I would like to hear them
I reread yesterday the relevant part of Eragon and it is Orik, not Ajihad that tells Eragon that the Varden in Farthen Dur number about 4,000 people and from Eragon's comment we are led to believe that this includes non-combattants. So the number of the Varden are not 5,000 at the most that I calculated yesterday, but probably even less.
What yesterday I did not calculate is the maximum possible numbers for the forces opposing Galbatorix. For this we are rather constrained by the need to maintain realistic drama. 5 to 1 is a very dramatic ratio but that can be surmounted if the weakest force is supperior in tactics. 3 to 1 is the standard attack ratio in military manuals in order to insure sucsess in an offensive operation in level fighting conditions. A lesser ratio than that simply does not have enough drama, especially if the Empire was to attack a fortified position. Thus I assume that the Surda/Varden army cannot be larger than one third of the imperial force, or 33,000 soldiers. But lets just round that to 30,000 because too much precision hurts in these cases. As a conclusion I assume that the forces opposing the Imperial army numbered:
Several hundred Kull (this is the only number given in the whole book)
Several hundred of Orrin's cavalry (they cannot be luch smaller or much larger than the force the accompany)
3,000 to 4,000 Varden
15,000 to 25,000 Surdan infantry
A few tens of thousands of Dwarves
These of course are my numbers. If anyone has a better guess I would like to hear them
lundi 22 janvier 2007
The battle of the Burning Plains I
Topography of the battlefield
The battlefield is relatively well described: The plains are generally flat. The river crosses on the East, but this simply denies use of this direction in battle. There are fires burning below the plain dating to the first battle of the burning plains though, with the exception of the scene where Galbatorix's messenger gets burned, this does not seem to affect the battle. Of course as an agricultural engineer I cannot but ask how can this fire be possible. Peat bogs are saturated in water and, with the river nearby, the water table must be too high to allow combustion, let alone for over 20 years. This phenomenon serves only one dramatic purpose: deny Eragon the ability to draw power from his surroundings. The forces of Surda and the Varden have constructed earthen defences around their original position which they abandon initially but return to them under the strength of the imperial army's attack
Size of the opposing forces
The size of the force sent by the Empire is well known; 100.000 men. We are not told if this is just the battle soldiers or if it includes the supporting forces. In antiquity armies required at least one support troop for every battle troop, whether that was the helot carrying the supplies of the Spartan, the engineer of the siege machinery supporting the battle or the auxilliary carrying the legionnaire's arms. In the modern era, this ratio has grown in favor of the support troop: every American battle soldier in Iraq requires 5 or 6 people supporting him. We are told that there are siege machinery near the tale of the imperial army and those manning them or carrying them are definitely NOT battle troops. Whether the 100,000 number that Nasuada estimates are opposing her include support troops remains unknown.
Far less is known about the size of the army opposing the Empire. We are only told before the Battle under Farthen Dur by Ajihad that the Varden number 4,000 people. They suffer significant losses in the aformentioned battle but then receive ''a veritable flood of volunteers'' and we can were also able to somewhat replace their losses by troops that were already in Surda before Farthen Dur. Other than that we only learn that the army opposing the empire is "far larger" than those under Farthen Dur, whose number we are also not told.
Let us consider the size of the Varden for a while. We learn at the summary of Eragon at the beginning of Eldest that since the formation of the Varden 20 years have passed. If the Varden received a steady state of volunteers and did not suffer any losses before Farthen Dur (unlikely) they have received 200 people per year. This is our baseline. More likely though they did suffer losses in battle or from natural causes so they probably received more than that. Let us assume it was normally 50% more, that is 300 people per year as a baseline. A 'veritable flood' means several times the baseline. For arguement's sake I assume 1000 people per year. Let us also assume that the losses at Furthen Dur were covered fully by those Varden who were already in Surda or by hereditary succsession (i.e. the son of the one who died in Farthen Dur but did not participate in the battle due to lack of weapons took his father's arms and fights in his place). Since between the two battles passes one year (Eragon was inside Du Weldenvarden during the Dagshelgr Invocation in spring, after Farthen Dur and it is spring when he travels to the Burning plain) the Varden number maximum 5,000 people.
Surdan troops most probably outnumber the Varden, otherwise Orrin would not need to pick affirm military leadership of the Nassuada over the entire troop, it would be rightfully hers. How many are there? Let us assume that the Varden and the dwarves numbered 12,000 under Farthen dur (how I came up with the number I will explain when I analyse that battle). Then if the are twice as many facing Galbatorix than in Farthen Dur the whole army is 24,000 men strong, 5000 of which are Varden thus Surda sent 19,000. At modern draft rates (5% of the population) this implies a total population of almost 400,000 for the kingdom. We have nothing to support or dispel these numbers. For arguements sake though let us take 19,000 as a possibility. Far more than Farthen Dur could mean 20,000 troops as the total number, giving a ratio of 5 to 1 between Galbatorix's troops and those opposing him. This was the ratio between the Athenians and the Persians in the Battle of Marathon. Victory is possible, without Eragon's intervention, if Nasuada is a good general, the Surdans are superior in terms of quality and the other army lacks quality, is overconfident and makes mistakes. Not all of these conditions are met, as we will see later on the analysis.
How many troops accompany Hrothgar? If there were 8,000 dwarves at Farthen Dur and the Dwarves have 5 cities like it, and the entire dwarven nation marches (as Eragon overconfidently tells) then 20,000 dwarves might be accompanying him. But this is only a guess. Next time I will analyse armaments and tactics of the two armies.
The battlefield is relatively well described: The plains are generally flat. The river crosses on the East, but this simply denies use of this direction in battle. There are fires burning below the plain dating to the first battle of the burning plains though, with the exception of the scene where Galbatorix's messenger gets burned, this does not seem to affect the battle. Of course as an agricultural engineer I cannot but ask how can this fire be possible. Peat bogs are saturated in water and, with the river nearby, the water table must be too high to allow combustion, let alone for over 20 years. This phenomenon serves only one dramatic purpose: deny Eragon the ability to draw power from his surroundings. The forces of Surda and the Varden have constructed earthen defences around their original position which they abandon initially but return to them under the strength of the imperial army's attack
Size of the opposing forces
The size of the force sent by the Empire is well known; 100.000 men. We are not told if this is just the battle soldiers or if it includes the supporting forces. In antiquity armies required at least one support troop for every battle troop, whether that was the helot carrying the supplies of the Spartan, the engineer of the siege machinery supporting the battle or the auxilliary carrying the legionnaire's arms. In the modern era, this ratio has grown in favor of the support troop: every American battle soldier in Iraq requires 5 or 6 people supporting him. We are told that there are siege machinery near the tale of the imperial army and those manning them or carrying them are definitely NOT battle troops. Whether the 100,000 number that Nasuada estimates are opposing her include support troops remains unknown.
Far less is known about the size of the army opposing the Empire. We are only told before the Battle under Farthen Dur by Ajihad that the Varden number 4,000 people. They suffer significant losses in the aformentioned battle but then receive ''a veritable flood of volunteers'' and we can were also able to somewhat replace their losses by troops that were already in Surda before Farthen Dur. Other than that we only learn that the army opposing the empire is "far larger" than those under Farthen Dur, whose number we are also not told.
Let us consider the size of the Varden for a while. We learn at the summary of Eragon at the beginning of Eldest that since the formation of the Varden 20 years have passed. If the Varden received a steady state of volunteers and did not suffer any losses before Farthen Dur (unlikely) they have received 200 people per year. This is our baseline. More likely though they did suffer losses in battle or from natural causes so they probably received more than that. Let us assume it was normally 50% more, that is 300 people per year as a baseline. A 'veritable flood' means several times the baseline. For arguement's sake I assume 1000 people per year. Let us also assume that the losses at Furthen Dur were covered fully by those Varden who were already in Surda or by hereditary succsession (i.e. the son of the one who died in Farthen Dur but did not participate in the battle due to lack of weapons took his father's arms and fights in his place). Since between the two battles passes one year (Eragon was inside Du Weldenvarden during the Dagshelgr Invocation in spring, after Farthen Dur and it is spring when he travels to the Burning plain) the Varden number maximum 5,000 people.
Surdan troops most probably outnumber the Varden, otherwise Orrin would not need to pick affirm military leadership of the Nassuada over the entire troop, it would be rightfully hers. How many are there? Let us assume that the Varden and the dwarves numbered 12,000 under Farthen dur (how I came up with the number I will explain when I analyse that battle). Then if the are twice as many facing Galbatorix than in Farthen Dur the whole army is 24,000 men strong, 5000 of which are Varden thus Surda sent 19,000. At modern draft rates (5% of the population) this implies a total population of almost 400,000 for the kingdom. We have nothing to support or dispel these numbers. For arguements sake though let us take 19,000 as a possibility. Far more than Farthen Dur could mean 20,000 troops as the total number, giving a ratio of 5 to 1 between Galbatorix's troops and those opposing him. This was the ratio between the Athenians and the Persians in the Battle of Marathon. Victory is possible, without Eragon's intervention, if Nasuada is a good general, the Surdans are superior in terms of quality and the other army lacks quality, is overconfident and makes mistakes. Not all of these conditions are met, as we will see later on the analysis.
How many troops accompany Hrothgar? If there were 8,000 dwarves at Farthen Dur and the Dwarves have 5 cities like it, and the entire dwarven nation marches (as Eragon overconfidently tells) then 20,000 dwarves might be accompanying him. But this is only a guess. Next time I will analyse armaments and tactics of the two armies.
vendredi 19 janvier 2007
Hello World
In this blog I have just created I will post my comments about the military tactics and strategy in the Inheritance trilogy. I start not from a point of nit-picking the books to death. Although it is generally agreed that the books have very little originality this does not make them less enjoyable. They are well written, something that cannot be said about many stuff available in print nowadays. Let us not forget that the works of Homer are also considered to be of low originality, they were simply so well written that everything before them on the subject was forgotten. In this blog I will try to analyze the battles that take place in Eragon and Eldest using the same nitpicking reserved for real battles and those that describe them, for example the Battle of Marathon and Herodotus.
You might wonder who I am. As some might have guessed by now I am Greek. I am from Piraeus and currently study in Montpellier, France. I am by profession an agricultural engineer, with an interest in military history (and history in general). I am not so much a fantasy fan as much as a sci-fi fan, of the kind written by Jules Verne (that is the magic of new technology) rather than the social analysis kind so popular in Anglo-Saxon sci-fi. I came across Eragon last year in a local bookstore and decided to read since I had TOO much free time in my hand. I enjoyed so much (and its sequel) that I decided to add my own contributions to the books, such as they may be in this form. Next week I will begin with an analysis of the (second) Battle of the Burning Plains, the climatic end of Eldest. Be warned, this is a spoiler blog, if you have not read the books turn away now. Thanks
You might wonder who I am. As some might have guessed by now I am Greek. I am from Piraeus and currently study in Montpellier, France. I am by profession an agricultural engineer, with an interest in military history (and history in general). I am not so much a fantasy fan as much as a sci-fi fan, of the kind written by Jules Verne (that is the magic of new technology) rather than the social analysis kind so popular in Anglo-Saxon sci-fi. I came across Eragon last year in a local bookstore and decided to read since I had TOO much free time in my hand. I enjoyed so much (and its sequel) that I decided to add my own contributions to the books, such as they may be in this form. Next week I will begin with an analysis of the (second) Battle of the Burning Plains, the climatic end of Eldest. Be warned, this is a spoiler blog, if you have not read the books turn away now. Thanks
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